The Security Council has indeed voted -- unanimously, nonetheless -- for what the UN peacekeeping mission in the Democratic Republic of Congo has long needed: more troops. Even that, on its own, of course, will not be enough.
The Financial Times uncovers evidence that Congolese rebels loyal to Laurent Nkunda are deliberately trying to intimidate the UN peacekeeping mission in the Congo and hasten its departure.
In a letter to the UN dated October 27, two days before his forces threatened to overrun the eastern city of Goma, Gen Nkunda warned he could not guarantee peacekeepers' safety. "In the current circumstances in which our forces are directly confronting the government coalition, we cannot be held...accountable for the security of Monuc forces present on the front," according to the letter, which was made available to the Financial Times by another UN official who requested anonymity. The letter followed a telephone threat by one of Gen Nkunda's commanders to kill Indian peacekeeping troops if the force scrambled attack helicopters to support Congolese government forces.Meanwhile, a meeting of EU foreign ministers in Brussels earlier today reached a consensus of sorts that the EU would not send reinforcements anytime soon. It is "out of the question," said the German Defense minister. The UK's David Milliband and French Foreign Minister Bernard Kouchner agreed. So much for a new Operation Artemis style mission. Despite the peacekeeping mission's calls for reinforcements and international aid, nothing seems to be forthcoming. The situation continues to fester. (Photo from Flickr.)
Following the war between Israel and Hezbollah forces in southern Lebanon in the summer of 2006, the Security Council authorized the expansion of the UN peacekeeping mission in Lebanon, UNIFIL. Two years on, the mission has contributed to the maintenance of a ceasefire and has taken on humanitarian tasks like removing unexploded ordinance left over from the war.
This video is the first installment of a ten part series that is meant to explain UNIFIL to a Lebanese audience. (The host is Lebanese actor Rafic Ali Ahmad). To an American audience the video looks a little campy, but it is an interesting example of a peacekeeping mission's efforts at 21st century public diplomacy.
Watch the rest of the series.
Even if I reported some not-so-bad signs for UN deployment in Darfur a bit prematurely, it seems that the beleaguered peacekeepers there are finally getting some reinforcement.
For months, one of the most desperate needs of the Darfur force (UNAMID) has been what are called "Formed Police Units," or FPUs. These units are basically entire contingents of 100-plus police officers, all from the same country and all having trained and operated together. In UN missions that draw from a multitude of countries, with varying levels of training and equipment, being able to deploy these unified FPUs -- around displaced persons camps, villages, and humanitarian supply lines -- is a major asset.
The Security Council resolution outlining UNAMID envisioned 19 FPUs, and until last week, only one had deployed. In quick succession, though, 130 Indonesian officers and then 147 Nepalis have arrived in Darfur, tripling the crucial FPU presence in just a week.
In the meantime, however, a report released by the Secretary-General today underscores the prevailing insecurity in Darfur. According to the S-G, the situation is so bad that effective UNAMID operation remains impossible unless all parties renounce a military solution and commit to a peace process. And this is something that, unfortunately, all the FPUs in the world could not achieve.
(Image of a UN police advisor at an IDP camp in Darfur, from the Genocide Intervention Network)
Neil MacFarquhar of The New York Times reports that some tangible good news for Darfur may have come out of the UN General Assembly.
United Nations officials emerged with a commitment for 18 helicopters for the peacekeeping force there from Ukraine. There were so many conditions attached by Ukraine, however, including using private contractors and getting approval from the embattled Parliament, that it remained unclear whether a solution for the long quest for 24 helicopters had really been found.Given the tumultuous state of Ukrainian politics right now, this latter requirement seems a daunting obstacle. Plus, Ukraine's last shipment of military vehicles to Sudan (if Kiev even knew that was their likely eventual destination) probably would have violated an arms embargo had it not first been seized by pirates. There's certainly no embargo on equipping a UN peacekeeping mission, though, nor is there any doubt how desperately the blue helmets in Darfur need the helicopters, so let's hope that the political hurdles are cleared and that the choppers don't run into any sort of "air pirates" en route.
Few places on Earth have as consistently dire news coming out of them as Somalia. (See, for example, our coverage here, here, here, and here.) This leads to a tendency to shake one's head at the country's seemingly perpetual misfortune, but to throw one's hands up in the air when it comes to actually thinking about and addressing its problems. As a panel discussion -- featuring a professor, a Human Rights Watch researcher, and a Somali journalist -- that I attended today made clear, however, conditions in Somalia are not "merely" in their "usual" catastrophic state; they are even worse, and in new and potentially dangerous ways.
Briefly, Somalia is facing a veritable "perfect storm" of negative factors: a humanitarian crisis, mass displacement, drought, indiscriminate violence and banditry (not to mention pirates), plus clan warfare, insurgency, terrorism, and a host of other destructive influences. Moreover, many of the U.S.'s and other international actors' policies are at cross-purposes with one another: American counter-terrorism efforts undermine its state-building program, which in turn damages the perceived neutrality of humanitarian actors, and, unfortunately, so on. Deeper analysis of these dynamics, and a more in-depth discussion of policy options, can be found in ENOUGH's eminently informative new report on Somalia, written by panel participant Professor Ken Menkhaus.
While the panel did focus more on describing the symptoms of Somalia's situation than on prescribing remedies for them, the participants all made the point about the need for a fundamental re-evaluation of U.S. policy in the region, particularly a recognition that well-intentioned policies may turn out to have significant negative repercussions. Some hope may exist, however, in the recently signed peace deal between the Transitional Federal Government and some Somali opposition groups. Though by no means a panacea for all of the violence and discord rife in Somalia, the accord -- if implemented -- could provide sway to moderate elements that are actually interested in coming together in dialogue.
So where does the UN fit in this? Well, for one, according to Menkhaus, the UN, by pursuing multiple priorities sometimes at odds with one another -- political mediation, development assistance, peacekeeping -- may be committing the same error as the United States.
The Los Angeles Times today offers a great story on some of the more unorthodox ways that peacekeepers can help instill a culture of peace. In addition to kung fu, it seems that tae kwon do, tai chi, yoga, and even pizza-making lessons are also effective peacebuilding tactics. UN peacekeepers in Lebanon, LAT's Borzou Daragahi reports, are using these activities to bring a level of normality -- and even a little fun -- to people scarred by years of war. These kind of tasks are not all that the 13,000 blue helmets are doing in Lebanon, though.
The U.N. peacekeepers also offer medical and dental clinics and computer classes, and they have plans to supply more artificial limbs for the people wounded by old land mines and ordnance. The efforts are all meant to endear the troops to a local population that has violently resisted incursions by Israeli, French, American and Syrian forces over the decades. "When we do such things, it brings us closer to the people," said Maj. Rishi Raj Singh of the 800-plus Indian contingent. "The return is immeasurable. We don't spend a lot of money, and it's immensely popular."These kind of initiatives seem like wise investments, with little risk and huge upside as a "soft power" strategy. Read the whole article here.
The big news today is out of Pakistan, where president Pervez Musharraf has announced his resignation just days after Pakistan's parliament moved to impeach him. Matthew Yglesias, Spencer Ackerman, and Steve Clemons have more.
Meanwhile, elsewhere in the region, tens of thousands of Muslims took to the streets of Kashmir's main city to demand that the United Nations recognize Kashmir's right of self-determination. The demonstrations occur amid a recent spate of violence in which 34 people have been killed in the last six weeks. One protester held a sign saying "Ban Ki Moon, Where Are You?" From AFP
Security was tight as crowds marched towards a local UN office, in defiance of official warnings against holding the rally in revolt-hit Srinagar, which remained tense after deadly clashes last week. The UN office in Srinagar houses personnel who monitor ceasefire violations along the heavily militarised Line of Control, the de facto border dividing Kashmir between India and Pakistan. "I have never seen such a big rally in Srinagar," said Abdul Aziz, a 75-year-old shopkeeper who was taking part in the procession. "I couldn't resist coming out to demand freedom from India," he said, as he marched towards the UN office carrying a placard reading "If freedom for Kosovo, why not for Kashmir?"There are, in fact, 48 military observers deployed to UNMOGIP, the United Nations Military Observer Group in India and Pakistan--which mostly monitors ceasefire violations along the India-Pakistan border in Kashmir and Jammu. It is one of the oldest UN missions, dating from 1949--just after the partition of India. UNMOGIP itself has no say over the status of Kashmir. Only the Security Council can make those kinds of decisions. Still, it is the most visible sign of international presence in the region, so naturally it would be a target for demonstrators who want the capture the UN's attention.
I just made it home after a whirlwind day of travel from Rwanda to Liberia to Senegal to Mexico. One of the most fascinating stops was in Liberia, where the United Nations Peacekeeping presence is very, very heavy.
More UNMIL after the jump.